The riot police and the Ministry of Interior are running the Cabo Delgado war; however, the army and the Ministry of Defence are fighting to take over. Being always known collectively as the Defence & Security Forces (Forças de Defesa e Segurança – FDS), under President Nyusi it was the paramilitary riot police (UIR, Unidade de Intervencao Rapida) that had the senior position and did the key fighting, from the 2013-2015 fighting with Renamo and continuing in Cabo Delgado. The new turf war was reported by Africa Monitor (Lisbon, June, 12). The struggle appears to be about trust and money.
The goal is to control foreign military support that could involve lucrative contracts. Police General Commander Bernardino Rafael signed the contract with South African mercenary company Dyck Advisory Group (DAG) to supply the helicopters, light planes and drone that now are used in Cabo Delgado.
There are high chances that Mozambique can request military aid from South Africa.
Africa Monitor says that DAG is contracted to supply six combat helicopters which are currently used in Libya, leased to Eric Prince’s Frontier Services Group. Prince (Blackwater founder) also has companies in South Africa. Military high-rank officials state that Rafael and DAG are using the wrong type of equipment, simply adapted from civilian helicopters. They say during Macomi attack the helicopters had to keep interrupting their missions to fly 100 km back to Pemba for refueling. Currently Mozambique has only one attack helicopter of its own, a Russian-built MI-8, and the military say it would be sensible to buy more equipment for the military to get involved in the war.
Last year when President Filipe Nyusi needed some help to tackle a jihadist insurgency in northern Mozambique, various private military firms were keen to oblige.
Dyck Advisory Group (DAG) which replaced the Russian Wagner Group also operates a UH-1 Huey, Cessna Caravan, Bell Long Ranger, Diamond DA 42 and CADG Helix in Mozambique.
At least 150 Russians linked to the Wagner Group, a company that has supplied mercenaries to fight in several African countries, were deployed in 2019 but were forced to leave after suffering casualties. In April 2020, the Intercept reported that Prince has offered his services to Russian Wagner group’s activities in Mozambique and Libya as a subcontractor by suggesting providing aerial surveillance platforms and a ground force.
The security sources said that the Wagner private soldiers did not understand the difficult terrain of Cabo Delgado. But the activities of Wagner — a company suspected of links to Russian President Vladimir Putin — have always been obscure and some observers insist it only came to Mozambique as personal security for President Filipe Nyusi and never had a mandate to defeat the Islamist insurgents.
The Moscow Times reported that two anonymous military sources in Mozambique describe there were growing tensions between the military and the Wagner group. This was a result of multiple failed operations, failing to stop the growth of the militant group. The Wagner group won the contract to help the government when Black Hawk and OAM were better alternatives. It’s likely the gov’s choice had political background.
The Dyck Advisory Group (DAG) deals with operations in the fields of Demining, Explosive Hazard Management, Specialized Security, Canine Services and Counter Poaching.
The management is represented by Colonel Lionel Dyck SCZ, FRGS (demining, MineTech International owner), Max Dyck (son of former Rhodesian colonel Lionel Dyck, he started of his demining career in Mozambique in 1997 and worked his way up to the position of Operations Director MineTech International. He joined the United Nations in 2009 and was a Programme Manager for UNMASin Cyprus, Libya, Darfur, CAR and the DRC) and Paul Molam (entered the mine action industry in 2005 when he joined MineTech International in Zimbabwe as the logistics manager, over the ensuing years he has moved into the operations and project management).
In the 1970s, when Mr Dyck wore its uniform, the Rhodesian army used to attack Mozambique and the Zimbabwean guerrilla bases that Mr.Nyusi’s Frelimo party was hosting. Today they become allies. It’s not widely known now, but In the late 1970’s the South African Defence Force (SADF) provided covert assistance to the Rhodesian Security Forces for raids conducted against ZANLA and ZANU bases in Angola and Mozambique (Operation Uric and Operation Vanity).
In May, 2020 sources reported that DAG has not been seen operating in several days, opening opportunities for counter-offensives by the rebels who have raided and burned villages in Mocímboa da Praia [district]. A senior source linked to ‘military intelligence’ told media that the mercenaries have stopped operations because they have not been paid. The other reason is that the men want some guarantees that they will not be detained after return to South Africa.
On June 20, Military Africa reported that South African private military contractor Dyck Advisory Group (DAG) currently operating in Mozambique has apparently lost a Bat Hawk ultralight aircraft. The ultralight aircraft crashed in Muidumbe, a district of Cabo Delgado Province on June, 15, during a routine counter insurgency reconnaissance and patrol.
This was the second aircraft the group has lost since being contracted; a Gazelle helicopter was destroyed during an operation in early April. The Gazelle (ZU-ROJ) appears to have been shot down by Islamist insurgents which it was targeting at the time.
The military point to the close Frelimo network, (The Mozambique Liberation Front). President Nyusi, Bernardino Rafael, and Cabo Delgado big man Alberto Chipande (leading member of FRELIMO) are all Macondi from Mueda. Interior Minister Amade Miquidade has military experience and headed paramilitary riot police, UIR. According to Africa Monitor Miquidade, in turn, has close economic and security business links with former president Joaquim Chissano and with former security minister Mariano Matsinhe. There is some information that Matsinhe, in turn, has links with the multinational security company G4S and with Eric Prince.
On the other side, Nyusi does not trust the military. In February he sent a team of close confidants to investigate, who reported both that senior military were lying to the president, but also that information on military plans was leaking to the insurgents, Africa Monitor says. In January, Nyusi appointed Jaime Neto as Defence Minister. Neto has no military experience, and comes from Vilankulo, Inhambane. This could be interpreted as a way to keep the military weak and subordinate and away from the Macondi group controlling the police.
The insurgency in the remote north began to grow about two years ago, exploiting widespread anger at the failure of central government to fairly distribute earnings from exploitation of the region’s rich natural resources. Discontent was exacerbated by endemic corruption and a brutal, indiscriminate military response to the violence.
