In the nearest future Eswatini is heading to the polls; the upcoming elections are scheduled for September 29, 2023. However, there is nothing remotely democratic in prospect. The vote is unlikely to change the political scenery in the southern African nation of 1.2 million people that has been ruled by King Mswati III since 1986. The king wields absolute power. Elections in the country take place in a convoluted system ensuring King Mswati with no policy-changing dissent.
At least two members of parliament certainly won’t be running again: Mthandeni Dube and Mduduzi Bacede Mabuza were convicted of terrorism and murder in June. Their real crime was to do what Swazi MPs aren’t supposed to do: during protests for democracy that broke out in 2021, they dared call for political reform and a constitutional monarchy.
Dube and Mabuza could face up to 20 years in jail. While being framed they were beaten and denied to get medical and legal help. They were found guilty by judges appointed and controlled by the king. In Eswatini, the judiciary is regularly used to harass and criminalise those who stand up to Mswati’s power: people such as trade union leader Sticks Nkambule, subject to contempt of court charges for his role in organising a stay-at-home strike demanding the release of Dube and Mabuza. Other activists face terrorism charges.
Although the judiciary displays a degree of independence in some cases, the king holds ultimate authority over the appointment and removal of judges, acting on advice from the Judicial Service Commission (JSC) made up of royal appointees.
In a rare instance of judicial review that sought to change gender power relations, in 2019 the High Court of Eswatini ruled in favor of gender equality in civil marriages regarding property rights in the event of divorce.
As Eswatini’s government concludes a five-year term marked by the COVID-19 pandemic and civil unrest in June 2021 (Amnesty international, 2023), economic warning signs are flashing red. Gross domestic product growth slowed to an estimated 0.4% in 2022, down from 7.9% in 2021, while unemployment, inequality, and poverty remained stubbornly high, underpinned by weak job creation in the formal economy (World Bank, 2023).
With national parliamentary elections (which will usher in the next government) set for 29 September, the latest Afrobarometer survey in Eswatini suggests that the new government will need to act urgently to improve the quality of life of Emaswati. Most economic indicators have taken a nosedive since 2018. Large majorities of citizens say the country is headed in the wrong direction and describe both the national economy and their personal living conditions as bad. Increasing numbers went without basic life necessities during the previous year, and few citizens are optimistic that things will get better anytime soon.
Overwhelming majorities give the government poor marks for its performance on economic issues. On the bright side, a majority of citizens who accessed key public services last year say they encountered few difficulties, although a substantial number say they had to pay bribes.
- More than 8 in 10 Emaswati (84%) say the country is going in “the wrong direction,” twice as many as in 2018 (42%).
- Almost 9 in 10 citizens (86%) describe the country’s economic condition as “fairly bad” or “very bad,” an increase of 38 percentage points compared to 2018 (48%).
- Only 1 in 8 citizens (13%) expect the country’s economic condition to improve over the next year.
- More than two-thirds (68%) of Emaswati say their living conditions are “fairly bad” or “very bad,” more than double the share in 2018 (31%).
- Increasing numbers of citizens report going without a cash income (78%), medical care (78%), enough food (66%), and enough clean water (55%) at least once during the year preceding the survey.
- Public approval ratings have plummeted for the government’s performance on managing the economy (12%), improving living standards of the poor (10%), creating jobs (6%), narrowing gaps between rich and poor (5%), and keeping prices stable (4%).
- However, among citizens who sought selected public services during the previous year, majorities say they found it easy to get help from public schools (79%), public health facilities (64%), and the police (63%), though significant minorities also say they had to pay bribes to obtain public services.
- Constitutional rights to free expression are severely restricted in practice. Security agencies reportedly monitor personal communications, social media, and public gatherings, and criticism of the king or other elements of the regime can be punished under laws such as the SSAA, the STA, and the Public Order Act. Any criticism of Swazi culture and traditions or defacement of national symbols—including the king’s image—can draw fines and up to two years in prison.
The country is still ruled by King Mswati III, Africa’s last absolute monarch, who presides over Eswatini with an iron fist. Mswati dissolved parliament on July 11, he is confident there’s little chance of people who disagree with him winning representation.
The human rights landscape in Africa’s last remaining absolute monarchy is still characterized by serious human rights violations, including extrajudicial killings, the disappearance of people, and repression of pro-democracy activists.
In January, human rights lawyer Thulani Maseko was shot dead by unidentified assailants. Maseko chaired the Multi-Stakeholder Forum, a network that brings together civil society groups, political parties, businesses and others to urge a peaceful transition to democracy. He’d previously spent 14 months in jail for criticising Eswatini’s lack of judicial independence. He was also Dube and Mabuza’s lawyer. There’s been little evident investigation of his assassination.
The 2021 democracy protests were initially triggered by the killing of law student Thabani Nkomonye. At least 46 people are recorded to have been killed in the ensuing protests. Security forces reportedly fired indiscriminately at protesters; leaked footage revealed that the king ordered them to shoot to kill.
In some areas security forces went house to house, dragging young people out for beatings. Hospitals were overwhelmed with the injured. People who survived shootings weren’t allowed to keep the bullets extracted from them, since it would have constituted evidence. Some bodies were reportedly burned in an attempt to cover te state’s crimes. When a second wave of protest arose in September 2021, led by schoolchildren, Mswati sent the army into schools, and then closed schools and imposed a nationwide protest ban. Hundreds of protesters and opposition supporters were jailed. A dusk-to-dawn curfew was enforced with the army on the streets and an internet shutdown imposed.
The government’s crackdown on dissent in response to the widespread prodemocracy protests in 2021 led to a further deterioration of free expression within the country. That June, the king issued a decree banning citizens from delivering petitions to the government, though officials denied that the ban was intended to prevent citizens from “raising grievances.” Prodemocracy activists continued to face harassment and arbitrary detentions throughout 2022.
Following the intervention of the Southern African Development Community (SADC), the king agreed to hold a national dialogue, but that did happen. Instead he held a Sibaya – a traditional gathering in which he was the only person allowed to speak.
The election is going ahead without any constructive dialogue or reform. The chances of reform-minded potential MPs winning significant representation are slimmer than ever. To do so, they would have to navigate a two-round process that is exclusionary by design, with candidates first needing to win approval at the chiefdom level. No party affiliations are allowed.
In order to seize the rein, Mswati directly appoints 20 of the 30 upper house senators and some from the lower house. He also picks the prime minister and the cabinet, he can veto legislation and remains constitutionally above the law.
Candidates cannot be affiliated to any political group under the constitution which emphasises “individual merit” as the basis for selecting members of parliament and public officials.
It’s a system that serves merely to fulfil a kingly fantasy of consultation and pretend to the world that Eswatini is a democratic country. Official results of the two previous elections were never published, but it is little wonder than turnout in this electoral farce has been reportedly low.
The evidence suggests that repression is extremely intensifying ahead of the voting. The king has imported South African mercenaries – described as security experts – to help enforce his reign of terror. Moreover, there are reports of a hit potential assassinations’ list. Lawyers who might defend the rights of criminalised activists and protesters report coming under increasing threat.
Despite this, Eswatini People still want a constitutional monarchy where the king has limited rather than absolute powers.
Traditional chiefs, as the king’s representatives, wield enormous influence over their subjects. In addition to vet prospective candidates for the office, they have been accused of ordering residents to vote or not vote for certain candidates.
In reality, Eswatini is confronted by a political environment, where those agitating for multiparty politics have already identified chiefs as one of their targets, it has resulted in the tragic murder of one chief to date and a number of chief`s residences (imiphakadzi) gutted down by fire in a heinous arson attack campaign.
This election will be a referendum on the popularity of anti-establishment politics; chiefs must restrain themselves and allow the voter to decide so that community emerge from this election process wiser in terms of the urgent tasks the people expect their representatives to address.
The upcoming elections in Eswatini underscores the urgent need for the international community to take a stronger stand against autocratic regimes and advocate for democratic transitions and human rights in such regions.
