Russia Prepares to Intensify Influence Operations in the Post-Soviet Space and Europe Using Soviet and Russian Diaspora Networks.
Russian President Vladimir Putin has appointed Igor Chaika, the younger son of former Russian Prosecutor General Yuri Chaika, as Deputy Head of Rossotrudnichestvo. Igor Chaika is the owner of the waste management company “Khartia,” which has secured major government contracts in several Russian regions.
In 2022, Chaika transferred his business into a trust after being placed on the U.S. sanctions list. The U.S. Treasury accused him of involvement in planning a coup in Moldova and attempting to bring the country back under Kremlin influence.
Chaika facilitated cooperation between Moldovan politician Ilan Shor and former President Igor Dodon, a Socialist, while his companies were allegedly used to finance pro-Russian parties. He sought to secure a parliamentary majority for this alliance to push legislation favoring Russian interests, including stripping the Moldovan president of control over intelligence services.
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We believe that Chaika’s appointment signals a Kremlin plan to increase pressure on Moldova by leveraging his connections. It is evident that the Russian Foreign Intelligence Service (SVR) lobbied for Chaika’s candidacy. Chaika’s Background and Role in Russian Influence Networks
Igor Chaika is the younger son of Yuri Chaika, who served as Russia’s Prosecutor General from 2006 to 2020 and is currently the Presidential Envoy to the North Caucasus Federal District. His elder brother is an advisor to Chechen leader Ramzan Kadyrov.
Chaika has been successful in engaging with foreign elites, addressing issues within the intelligence sphere. His projects include organizing meetings between Russian and European business circles and leading humanitarian initiatives in the Middle East. His appointment may serve both as access to government funding and an attempt to enhance Rossotrudnichestvo’s efficiency.
The new Deputy Head of Rossotrudnichestvo provides logistical support to Russian armed forces, including cooperation with the Cossack brigade “Terek” and other military units. Since 2021, he has led the public council at Rossotrudnichestvo, positioning him for a career in foreign policy and special operations.
Currently, Rossotrudnichestvo’s head, Yevgeny Primakov, has five deputies, and Chaika’s appointment is expected to strengthen the agency’s leadership team.
Key Reasons for Chaika’s Appointment
1. Strengthening Russia’s “Soft Power”
Rossotrudnichestvo is a key instrument of Russia’s cultural, humanitarian, and educational influence abroad. Chaika’s appointment suggests an effort to expand pro-Kremlin influence in the post-Soviet space, Europe, and other regions where Russia competes with the West.
2. Family and Political Connections
His appointment may be part of an elite patronage system that distributes key positions among influential families, ensuring control over crucial policy areas.
3. Economic and Business Interests
Chaika previously engaged in business operations tied to government contracts and projects in CIS countries. In his new role, he could oversee economic diplomacy, advancing Russian corporate interests in allied nations. We believe he may also play a role in developing sanction-evasion channels for Russia, given his background in the “Russian Export” company.
4. Focus on Youth Policy and Russian-Speaking Diasporas
Chaika may modernize the agency by adopting a more aggressive information strategy amid international pressure on Russia. In addition to Moldova, Latvia is likely to become a priority for Rossotrudnichestvo’s activities.
Rossotrudnichestvo as a Front for Russian Intelligence
The Foreign Intelligence Service) uses Rossotrudnichestvo as a cover for intelligence operations abroad. The agency conducts information campaigns promoting Russian narratives in allied and neutral countries, engages with Russian-speaking diasporas, and influences elites in the CIS, EU, Middle East, and Latin America. Although Rossotrudnichestvo is officially under the Russian Foreign Ministry, it de facto operates in close coordination with the FSB and SVR, executing intelligence, propaganda, and political influence missions on behalf of the Kremlin.
