The resignation of Malaysian Prime Minister Mohamad Mahathir will make for tension growth in Malaysia’s domestic politics that could possibly end up with Malay Islamic superiority destroying Malaysia’s multi-ethnic society. This process can be also associated with Mahathir’s attempts to stay in power and block the successors from coming in to actually guide the affairs of the country.
In 2018, Mahathir took over as Prime Minister representing an opposition coalition created to defeat the National Front coalition (dominated by the United Malays National Organisation, which has ruled Malaysia for six decades.
It was agreed beforehand that if he won the parliamentary elections, Mahathir would become the Prime Minister for only two years, and then this post would be taken by People’s Justice Party (PKR) leader Anwar Ibrahim, who was in prison at that time. After the Alliance of Hope’s victory, King Muhammad V pardoned Anwar Ibrahim and allowed him to hold public office.
The struggle between 94-year-old Mahathir and 72-year-old Anwar has shaped Malaysia’s domestic politics for decades, and the political crisis speaks for this tension, despite their alliance in 2018.
Mahathir and Anwar once worked together in the same party, with Anwar serving as deputy prime minister and finance minister under Mahathir, when he was prime minister for 22 years. But the pair clashed over issues relating to the economy, and Anwar was sacked in 1998. He went on to lead protests against Mahathir, and was later jailed on charges of corruption and sodomy that many said were politically motivated and an attempt by Mahathir to remove Anwar as a potential threat.
Just before, Azmin Ali, once seen as Mahathir’s favored successor, and 10 other members of parliament have quit the Anwar-led People’s Justice Party (PKR) and, effectively, Pakatan Harapan, to form a “special bloc” in parliament. Such demarche could be initiated by Anwar, who knew in advance that the planned shift of power would not happen, and wanted to destroy the coalition, depriving it of 112 seats in parliament. Anwar was likely to consider the option of a new coalition with the National Front, associated with former Prime Minister Najib Rezak, accused of corruption.
Thus, Mahathir could try to save face and be the first to leave the coalition that already demonstrated non-viability, since it was defeated in the last five by-elections. Moreover, Mahathir would have succeeded in avoiding the unification of two opponents: Anwar and Rezak in this way.
Mahathir may seek for a «reset» that will provide an opportunity to maintain leadership by changing the political environment absorbing all corruption charges.
On February 24, the Malaysian United Indigenous Party (Bersatu), led by Mahathir, withdrew from the government coalition Alliance of Hope (Pakatan Harapan).
It is highly doubtful that Mahathir will leave the country’s politics. At the request of Malaysia’s Sultan Abdullah Ri’ayatuddin, Mahathir has agreed to serve as interim prime minister until another leader can be named.
The king’s proposal to become a transitional prime minister played in favor of Mahathir, giving him time amid a power struggle among his opponents.
Thus, it is obviously not a question of his departure from politics. It is likely to be a planned step designed to strengthenhis own positions amid the political crisis and the unfavorable internal political balance for him.
Mahathir could form a government with parties who remain in the ruling coalition, backed up by new support from elsewhere. Or he could follow his traditional supporters who have abandoned the ruling alliance, and team up with those he removed from power in 2018. Several political factions in Malaysia have voiced support for him remaining prime minister, but he might have a short window to show he can form a government. TheDemocratic Action Party could particularly support Mahathir in his re-election as prime minister.
