Reasons and prospects of Gbagbo’s return to politics

Reasons and prospects of Gbagbo’s return to politics

Former Ivoirien president Laurent Gbagbo, acquitted of crimes against humanity by the International Criminal Court, seeks to re-enter politics. 

In early August he floated the idea of creating a new political party. Gbagbo’s comments came upon his return to Côte d’Ivoire on 26 June, after nearly ten years of facing charges at the International Criminal Court (ICC).

In July 2019, the court acquitted him of crimes against humanity, including murder, rape and ‘other inhuman acts’ during the 2010-2011 post-election violence.

Gbagbo’s announcement confirms his interest to influence politically in a country where the opposition is divided and the president faces criticism for obtaining a third term.

The prospect of a new political party with Gbagbo’s blessing could unite the opposition and challenge Ouattara and his ruling coalition. In addition, it will likely enhance political participation and interest, which has trailed off during successive opposition defeats and boycotts.

Côte d’Ivoire has three main political parties: the Front Populaire Ivoirien, Ouattara’s Rassemblement des Républicains and its coalition partner theParti Démocratique de la Côte d’Ivoire – Rassemblement Démocratique Africain.

During the 1990s, under Gbagbo’s rule, the Front Populaire Ivoirien was the key opposition party. After the 1999 military coup and the interim leadership of General Robert Guéï, the party’s power and a lack of alternatives made Gbagbo the 2000 presidential election winner.

Like all Ivoirian rulers Gbagbo counted on his own ethnic group in the state apparatus and the military. Representing the interests of the Kru people, even in the 1990 multi-party elections the FPI had campaigned on a xenophobic and ethno-nationalist platform decrying Baule political dominance, the discrimination of the Kru, and the flooding of the country with foreign workers. 

The Front Populaire Ivoirien ruled until the disputed 2010 elections. The source of the dispute was the presidential run-off election results that Gbagbo refused to accept.

However, while the party was in government, there were internal differences on politics and rebel strategy during the civil war that began in 2002. 

Some members wanted Côte d’Ivoire to distance itself from France, while others were more conciliatory. Some wanted to negotiate a settlement with the rebels while others sought to win the war militarily.

During the 2010 election, the divisions became more serious. Hardliners close to Gbagbo insisted that he dig in and refuse to transfer power to Ouattara. The other party members claim to have expressed their support for a power-sharing government like those in Kenya and Zimbabwe.

Some party leaders sought toreplace Gbagbo as the head. Pascal Affi N’Guessan, a former prime minister during the 2000s, became the head but faced resistance from Gbagbo allies.

For the last five years, the realignment has accelerated. 57% of Ivorians indicate  that they do not feel close to a political party. Citizens are also increasingly critical of ruling and opposition parties. Ruling party trust is firmly under 50% and dropped to 41% in 2019. Trust in opposition parties has largely stagnated during Gbagbo’s absence.

During Gbagbo’s imprisonment in The Hague, a deep rift developed in the FPI. One side is headed by 68-year-old Affi N’Guessan, a leader of a so-called “legal” faction – a term that stems from the judicial authorities’ acknowledgement of his position as party president in 2015. The faction said that despite Gbagbo’s status as a ‘founder member of the party’, he was not its current president. Gbagbo himself claimed that FPI had been confiscated by Affi N’Guessan, and despite numerous attempts to reason with him, he insists on his so-called ‘legality’

The other side is the so-called ‘GOR’ faction – from the French words meaning ‘Gbagbo Or Nothing” – backed by grassroots members who fervently support the former president.

Gbagbo’s interest in forming a new party reflects an opportunity to re-imagine opposition policy in the country. It also gives opportunities to forge new alliances. N’Guessan and his allies insist that any Gbagbo takeover of the Front Populaire Ivoirien would be illegal and emblematic of autocratic politics.

It is not clear whether a Gbagbo-sponsored party would fare better than the Front Populaire Ivoirien. But against Ouattara’s eventual politics drop out and discontent growth, Gbagbo’s return to politics could cause a greater political participation.There is a possibility that Gbagbo’s return will boost recent efforts among Francophone countries to reevaluate their relationship with France and shape new continental relationships, as seen with Gbagbo’s recent trip to the DRC.